Not By Government Alone: New Partnerships for Human Security
By Robin Ludwig
Over the past 15 years, the concept of human security has offered a healthy challenge to established thinking about security. Traditionally, security has been considered a military issue related to the safeguarding of the state. In contrast, a human security approach focuses on threats to individuals, rather than to governments, and encompasses a wide range of threats that can affect the well-being and future prospects of people anywhere in the world. These threats include forced migration and internal displacement, public health pandemics, the spread of small arms/ light weapons, organized crime and drug and human trafficking. Military strategies alone are unlikely to provide effective answers to these problems.
In addition to expanding the range of possible security challenges, the human security community has asserted that viable solutions can be generated not only by governments, but by collaborative efforts involving a variety of non-state actors. In its 2003 report, the International Commission on Human Security asserted, “No longer are states the sole actors. Regional and international organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society are involved in managing security issues – as in the fight against HIV/AIDS, the ban against landmines and the massive mobilizations in support of human rights.”[1] The Commission further argued that emphasis should be placed “on the creative and integrative effort to prevent these threats from emerging, or to decrease their negative impact when they do ….”[2]
A brief review of international collaboration on three important issues offers an example of the potential power of the new partnerships and approaches advocated by the Commission for Human Security. Such collaboration also demonstrates how established institutions such as the United Nations have grown more open to cooperation with non-state actors. The following examples offer insights into the potential benefits of expanding international partnerships: the 1997 Ottawa Convention on Anti-Personnel Landmines (Landmine Treaty); the 1998 Rome Treaty that created the International Criminal Court; and the 2000 UN Millennium Declaration/Millennium Project. Each of these novel partnerships offers insight into the opportunities that can be created by inviting broader participation in solving the world’s pressing problems.
The Mine Ban Treaty
Despite a decline in inter-state tensions and conflict, the post-Cold War era has been marked by a dramatic rise in intra-state conflict. One deadly aspect of such conflict is the planting of landmines in conflict areas around the world, causing the death and injury of thousands of people, particularly children. In 1994, the U.S. State Department estimated that “80-110 million landmines were littered around the world and that although perhaps up to 80,000 of these were being removed on an annual basis; another 2.5 million were being planted.”[3]
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was among the first organizations to call for a ban on landmines. In the United States, the Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation also joined in efforts to mobilize support. In 1992, the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) was created under the leadership of Jody Williams. These three organizations played a critical role in efforts to lobby governments worldwide for creation of a ban. An important component of their campaign was its focus on the humanitarian vs. the military impact of landmines.
| “Initially, the treaty establishing the International Criminal Court was signed by 110 countries. The treaty is particularly important in two respects: a) it provides for non-military intervention for the protection of individuals and their welfare and b) it focuses on individual perpetrators regardless of their status.” |
Although discussions related to anti-personnel landmines (APL) began within a UN framework in 1995, little progress was made. The continuation of such talks in 1996 led to further disappointment for the ICBL and other NGOs as well as representatives of 12 mid-sized and concerned states. Support grew for a second track process to take place outside the formal UN framework. Ultimately, Canada hosted a first international strategy conference for a ban later that year. Fifty countries pledged their support for a ban in a Declaration that was later welcomed by the UN General Assembly. Concerns remained, however, regarding the efficacy of the United Nations as a negotiating venue. As a result, the ICBL, interested states and the ICRC organized a series of regional conferences, often with help from local NGOs, that contributed significantly to building NGO and pro-ban government partnerships. In the course of 1997, regional meetings took place in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Japan and Turkmenistan. The late Diana, Princess of Wales, was also engaged on this issue, visiting Africa several times to highlight the importance of the mine ban effort.
After months of negotiations, the Mine Ban Treaty was signed by 122 countries in December 1997 in Ottawa. The Treaty came into force in 1999 and became an important new international norm for protecting people from the suffering caused by landmines. In addition to the Treaty itself, however, the process leading to its adoption demonstrated the power of collaboration among NGOs, a small group of concerned governments and regional groups in a non-traditional framework. Since the conclusion of the agreement, 156 states have become party to the treaty, use of antipersonnel mines is estimated to have been reduced from 15 states to two (Myanmar and Russia) in 2009, and some 44 million APMs have been destroyed. In recognition of its contribution to the treaty process, the ICBL and Jody Williams received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1997.
The Rome Statute
Similar to the Mine Ban Treaty process, negotiations for the creation of the International Criminal Court were heavily influenced by the efforts of NGOs and a coalition of mostly small and medium- sized states, known as the like-minded states (LMS). Many of the NGOS involved were human rights-based, and they worked closely with the various UN Human Rights bodies. Key organizations included the ICRC, groups of international jurists and the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC), which was created by a small group of NGOs in 1995. These organizations, similar to the ICBL, were instrumental in building and maintaining international support for creation of the Court over the course of several years. The LMS were a diverse group, including most of the members of the European Union and the Commonwealth as well as many African and Caribbean countries. A large number of states were particularly “concerned about ‘new’ international security threats, such as drug trafficking, terrorism, and hijacking”[4] and were eager to establish a court to address such issues.
Despite the controversy surrounding the establishment of the court, the negotiating process did remain within United Nations corridors. Negotiations and drafting expanded upon established international law such as the 1948 Genocide Convention, the 1982 Draft Code of Crimes and decisions of the Security Council for the creation of the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. Various working groups, including an ICC working group of the International Legal Commission, followed by an Ad Hoc Committee for the Establishment of the International Criminal Court and a Preparatory Committee, prepared the ground for formal negotiations. Based largely on the efforts of the LMS, civil society organizations and NGOs, a decision was made in December 1997 to hold a UN Diplomatic Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court in June 1998.
Initially, the treaty establishing the International Criminal Court was signed by 110 countries. The treaty is particularly important in two respects: a) it provides for non-military intervention for the protection of individuals and their welfare and b) it focuses on individual perpetrators regardless of their status. (As a result of this second element, in May 2009 Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir became the first sitting head of state to be issued an international arrest warrant by the Court.) Although the negotiations that led to the establishment of the Court were conducted within a UN framework, the coalitions of LMS, civil society organizations and NGOs were critical to creating and maintaining the necessary impetus and momentum of the process. (Today, the CICC has over 2,500 NGO members located throughout the world.) The establishment of the ICC provides a further example of the potential of government-NGO partnerships and advocacy for positive international action and global change.
The Millennium Development Goals
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Project provided a very different focus for international collaboration. The eight MDGs were highlighted in a Declaration adopted unanimously by heads of state and government at the United Nations in September 2000. The MDGs focus on: eradicating extreme poverty and hunger; education; improved maternal and child health; combating HIV/AIDS; environmental sustainability; gender equality; and global partnership for development. The Millennium project, commissioned by the Secretary-General in 2002, set out a framework and timeline for concerted action with the goal of attaining measurable targets by 2015. The MDGs established a particular precedent in becoming priorities for the entire UN system, providing a historic focus for coordinated UN action that even included the Bretton Woods institutions. The MDGs also led to new partnerships among governments, civil society organizations and programmes and agencies of the UN system.
| “An NGO entitled Countdown to 2015 is monitoring progress toward the realization of the MDGs. In preparation for a UN summit on the MDGs in September 2010, the Secretary-General has circulated a report entitled ‘Keeping the Promise’, and preparatory meetings have begun.” |
A High-Level Event on the MDGs was organized at the United Nations in September 2008 in order to review progress to-date, confirm and recommit to the goals and identify additional actions to be taken for their achievement by 2015. The report on the Event recognizes that “The role of Governments remains central to any substantive progress. The UN system is a key partner, and other intergovernmental organizations as well as the private sector and civil society organizations, including philanthropic institutions, have significant roles to play.”[5] Two initiatives announced during the High-Level Event are suggestive of the innovative partnerships that began to take shape in the context of the MDGs.
Purchase for Progress (P4P) is an innovative project aimed at transforming the way in which the UN World Food Programme (WFP) purchases food so that local farmers in developing countries, with little or no access to markets, can sell their surplus crops for delivery to consumers in other parts of the country. By purchasing its food locally, WFP can help farmers increase their incomes, and assist them in connecting with other local and regional food markets. Sponsored by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Howard G. Buffett Foundation and the government of Belgium, P4P was launched in 21 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America with combined funding of US$76 million.
The government of the United Kingdom, the UN Development Programme (UNDP), the International Business Leaders Forum and the International Chamber of Commerce announced their creation of the “World Business and Development Awards” (WBDA) in order to raise awareness of the need for poverty alleviation and to encourage action by the private sector. Ten private companies were recipients of the awards for helping improve the lives of some of the world’s poorest people while also making a profit. Among the recipients was a small, family-owned soybean business in Ghana as well as one of the leading telecommunications companies in the Philippines.
Although many of the MDGs are currently falling short of their scheduled targets, progress has undoubtedly been made, and the partnerships that have been established offer innovative examples for future collaboration. An NGO entitled Countdown to 2015 is monitoring progress toward the realization of the MDGs. In preparation for a UN summit on the MDGs in September 2010, the Secretary-General has circulated a report entitled “Keeping the Promise”, and preparatory meetings have begun. The summit promises to bring renewed attention and energy to this concerted and long-term campaign.
Final Thoughts
The successful conclusion of the Mine Ban Treaty, the creation of the International Criminal Court and the long-term efforts toward realizing the MDGs demonstrate that expanded participation in global problem solving is not only possible, but potentially highly innovative and fruitful. Additional efforts on issues such as internal displacement, child soldiers and the small arms trade have benefited from the creative negotiating processes and broad participation of concerned governments and non-state actors. Although governments and national sovereignty remain central to international security discussions, those discussions can be enriched and intensified by an opening to non-traditional working methods and the inclusion of new non-governmental partners. Although the concept of human security may continue to generate debate, the Commission on Human Security has identified a potent force for increasing human security in the collaboration of diverse networks of concerned individuals, NGOs, academics, states and other international actors.
Dr. Robin Ludwig is a specialist in elections and democratization, with over 30 years of experience at the United Nations. She has provided assessments, advice, and assistance for elections in East Timor, The Gambia, Indonesia, Kenya, Kosovo, Malawi, Moldova, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania and South Africa. While in Malawi, she advised the Government on preparations for and the conduct of a national referendum that led to Malawi’s first multi-party elections the following year. She managed the long-term United Nations observation mission for both electoral events. In 2001 Dr. Ludwig spent a sabbatical semester at Yale University, studying voter expectations, hopes and fears in the aftermath of first time elections. She has published a variety of articles and monographs on the subject of UN electoral assistance. In addition to her elections work, Dr. Ludwig helped to establish the annual observance of the International Day of Peace, working with a network of over 400 civil society organizations world-wide, and served as Special Assistant to the first United Nations Deputy Secretary-General. Beginning in 2003, Dr. Ludwig became project manager of an innovative university program funded from a 1997 $1 billion contribution to the United Nations by Ted Turner. As part of the program, Ms. Ludwig engaged the participating universities in a global project on human security. She has lectured widely at universities in Asia, Europe and the US and given talks and provided training to a variety of regional and civil society organizations. Ms. Ludwig has a BA from Albion, College, MIA from Columbia University and a Ph.D. in World Politics from the University of Michigan.
[1] Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now (New York: 2003), p. 6.
[2] Sadako Ogata and Johan Cels, “Human Security – Protecting and Empowering the People,” Global Governance, 9 (2003), 274.
[3] Fen Osler Hampson et.al. Madness in the Multitude: Human Security and World Disorder (Ontario: Oxford University Press, 2002), p.83.
[4] Hampson, p.69.
[5] United Nations, High-level Event on the Millennium Development Goals (United Nations: 18 September 2008), p. 2.